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July 13, 2022

Day

International Humanitarian Law and Counterterrorism Measures: Mutual or Exclusive Objectives?

By: Jemimah Jehopio.

Background

Attacks in Zamfara State, Nigeria in January 2022 resulted in over 200 deaths and several injuries(United Nations, 2022). Unfortunately, such terrorist attacks are not uncommon on the international scene and thus it is no surprise that efforts to combat terrorism are high on the international agenda, as evidenced by the adoption of robust counterterrorism (CT) measures. While these efforts harbour legitimate objectives, they have affected International Humanitarian Law (IHL) as well as its implementation through principled humanitarian action in consequential ways. This article seeks to highlight key conceptual and operational challenges arising from the interactions between the CT measures and IHL. The article also explores the way forward, highlighting that while it is justifiable to view terrorism through a security lens, respect for IHL and effective CT measures are complementary objectives that can and should be pursued in tandem.           

Impact of Counterterrorism Measures on International Humanitarian Law

The CT measures criminalising humanitarian engagement with designated terrorist groups essentially withhold humanitarian aid from certain groups of people thus eroding the concept of impartiality in the provision of humanitarian assistance (International Committee of the Red Cross, 2015). Such criminalisation influences the choices of humanitarian actors regarding where and whom to serve their programs, rather than those choices being dictated by needs alone (Inter-Agency Standing Committee, 2019). Instead, humanitarian actors are also obliged to give equal weight to avoiding certain groups and areas in which those groups might have a presence or the potential to access aid (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2018). As a result of this cherry picking, some communities may not get the assistance they need solely because of their geographical location (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2018). Consider countries like Afghanistan, Somalia and Nigeria where designated non-state actors effectively control vast swathes of territory, a disproportionate percentage of humanitarian programs is taking place in government-controlled areas partly to comply with the CT legislation (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2018).  In light of the foregoing, criminalising humanitarian engagement with designated groups can inadvertently result in the devastating effect of withholding humanitarian relief from those most in need.

Contractual obligations imposed on humanitarian organisations requiring cooperation with CT efforts, by submission of partners’ personal information, threaten the independence of humanitarian agencies (Mackintosh, 2011; Kurnadi et al., 2016). The principal objection of the humanitarian community is that this contractual requirement promotes the perception that NGOs are intelligence sources (Duplat & Mackintosh, 2013). One example of such obligations placed on NGOs is the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Partner Vetting System (PVS), which requires “foreign assistance grant applicants to submit detailed personal information on leaders and staff of local partner charities to be shared with US intelligence agencies” (Charity & Security Network, 2012). Consider the effect of such contractual obligations in Somalia where two US organisations, International Medical Corps and CARE, were expelled from areas under Al-Shabaab control in 2008 for allegedly spying and gathering intelligence that led to the assassination of Al-Shabaab leader Sheikh Maalim Adam Ayro in a U.S. air strike (Elhawary et al., 2011). Once again, sixteen humanitarian actors were expelled in 2011 following accusations by Al-Shabaab of, among other things, “collecting data” and “lacking complete political detachment and neutrality with regard to the conflicting parties in Somalia” (Duplat & Mackintosh, 2013). On this basis, the contractual obligations in donors’ clauses requiring submission of partners’ personal information have opened Pandora’s box as demonstrated by the catastrophic expulsions of humanitarian actors.

The CT legislation and sanctions regimes criminalising provision of direct and non-direct material support to designated terrorist groups impose actual and potential liability for carrying out principled humanitarian action (International Committee of the Red Cross, 2015). This liability arises from the very broad and vague definitions in criminal legislation of unqualified acts of “material support” to terrorist organisations that could, in practice, result in the criminalisation of the core activities of humanitarian organisations such as life-saving medical assistance or humanitarian relief (International Committee of the Red Cross, 2015). In such circumstances, principled humanitarian actors face a dilemma: either to forego activities protected under IHL or conduct such activities but risk criminal liability (International Peace Institute, 2018). Moreover, Courts have interpreted the humanitarian exception narrowly as including the provision of medicine only, thereby excluding the provision of medical treatment that draws upon medical expertise (U.S. v. Farhane, 2011; U.S. v. Shah, 2007). Support of a broad nature such as training, expert advice or assistance, services and personnel could attach liability under the material support laws (Elhawary et al., 2011). It thus becomes apparent that the inclusion of broad definitions of material support in CT legislation can effectively criminalise core activities of humanitarian actors.

The issue of financial de-risking, where financial institutions are unwilling to provide services for humanitarian organisations owing to concerns about counterterrorist financing regulations, is a major hurdle for humanitarian actors (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2018). Organisations often resort to informal, unregulated methods such as hawalamoney transfer networks when unable to transfer money into certain areas (Gordon & Taraboulsi-McCarthy, 2018). Ultimately, de-risking is counterproductive to efforts to reduce terrorist financing, since the unregulated methods employed in its pursuit are particularly vulnerable to terrorist financing risks (Financial Action Task Force, 2013). In practice, the effects of financial de-risking are significant delays to implementation of programming (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2018). Consider the banking restrictions imposed on Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in the West Bank, and particularly in Gaza which delay receipt of funds causing not only a reduction in the number of operational NGOs but also the projects to lose some of their significance to beneficiaries (Gordon & Taraboulsi-McCarthy, 2018). Upon this background, financial de-risking not only gives latitude for terrorist financing but also delays program implementation, which are all red flags under IHL.

Reflections on the Way Forward

In spite of the clear evidence that IHL is as an endangered species in the CT realm, there is room to mitigate the existing tension by adoption of the measures now briefly highlighted. Firstly, the careful crafting and effective implementation of humanitarian exemptions and language around respect for IHL in CT measures. Secondly, administrative clarity in the implementation of CT measures. Thirdly, setting up multi stakeholder dialogues to coordinate and ensure coherent policy approaches that protect IHL and principled humanitarian action. Finally, systematic assessment and reporting on member states’ efforts to develop and implement CT measures that protect principled humanitarian action.

Conclusion

In conclusion, there is no doubt that security and counterterrorism objectives are pertinent and must be pursued. However, respect for IHL and humanitarian action are essential tools in the effort to combat terrorism and not privileges to be sacrificed at a time of tension. Humanity, as well, is fundamentally important and a balance ought to be struck in the pursuit of CT objectives, upholding the integrity of IHL with utmost consideration of the imperative necessity for principled humanitarian action. The adoption of effective policy, normative and legal mitigation measures is essential in carving out a humanitarian space in the CT realm and ensuring that principled humanitarian assistance can continue to reach those most in need.

The Case of Thomas Kwoyelo, Its Impact on Uganda’s International Law Obligations on War Crimes

Amnesty according to the Merriam Webster dictionary is, ‘the act of an authority (such as a government) by which pardon is granted to someone or a large group of individuals often before a trial or conviction.’ Article 8 of the Rome Statute of International Criminal Court defines War crimes as, ‘acts carried out during the conduct of a war that violates accepted international rules of war.  These acts include but are not limited to; intentionally killing civilians, prisoners of war, torture, taking hostages, unnecessarily destroying civilian property, deception by perfidy, war time sexual violence, the conspiration of children in the military, genocide or ethnic cleansing, etc.’ The greatest question that we should be asking ourselves today in regards the LRA combatants is, ‘Should rebels who turn themselves in, be allowed to escape justice for potential war crimes through Amnesty? Or must they be prosecuted even at the risk of discouraging reconciliation which is one of the main tenants of the principles of Amnesty. These were the main facts in contention in the case of Thomas Kwoyelo versus Uganda (Constitutional Petition 36 of 2011) [2011] UGCC10.

Thomas Kwoyelo was a commander in the rebel group called the  Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). He has been in prison since 2009 when he was captured by the Ugandan Peoples Defense forces. He is awaiting trial at the International Crimes Division (ICD) of the High Court in Uganda, which is specially designed to handle war crimes and crimes against humanity. He appeared before the International Crimes Division for plea taking, where his indictment was amended from 12 counts to 53 counts of War Crimes under Article 147 of the fourth Geneva Convention section 2(1)(d) and (e) of the Geneva Convention Act, Cap 363 (Laws of Uganda).

The Court observed that the rationale behind amnesty laws is to offer blanket immunity to criminals in this particular instance, the LRA rebel combatants who abandoned the group and renounced involvement in the war. The amnesty laws in Uganda also apply equally to other Ugandan nationals in other rebel groups, of which the Allied Democratic Forces is the most prominent. Court analyzed the issue of applicability of the amnesty laws in Uganda. Who is eligible and ineligible to be granted amnesty? Justice Peter Onaga held that there is need to grant discretion to judicial officials on who they can give amnesty, because judicial officers have no choice but to grant amnesty to anyone who applies for it. However, this must be carried out in pursuit of justice.

National amnesty laws are founded to shield perpetrators from prosecution for serious human rights violations and war crimes and to bring reconciliation between the perpetrators and the rest of the people in society. It is believed that some of the participants in these war crimes want a way out but are afraid of the harsh legal sanctions such as life imprisonment for their actions. Amnesty comes in as a motivation for some of these war combats to come clean and make amends for their acts without being severely punished by the Law. However, according to the state in the above case, recourse should be made on the type of offender to some of these offences. For example, in the present case, Thomas Kwoyelo was a commander in Chief of the LRA group, making him a principal offender. He was the face of the LRA, he influenced and coerced others to join the war and was the leader in carrying out the war crimes. This was the defense the state used to give amnesty to the other soldiers who were accessories before, during and after the war crimes that were committed by the LRA rebels in Uganda and Congo.

The Inter-American Court on Human Rights, has issued a number of rulings on the same issue, finding that states cannot neglect their duty to investigate, identify, and punish those persons responsible for war crimes, and crimes against humanity by enforcing amnesty laws or other similar domestic provisions. Blanket amnesties have the effect of protecting all individuals without regard to the nature of the crimes committed. Before shielding individuals suspected of committing serious human rights violations and war crimes using amnesty, investigations should be carried out by the state and those found guilty of committing these war crimes ought to be punished. Otherwise, these same criminals will use it as a defense to carry out war crimes, knowing that in the long run Amnesty laws will exonerate them. Amnesty will end up being a ‘sword’ and not a ‘shield’. This will also contravene the whole essence of Criminal Law, which is to stop crime in society through punishment/sanctions.

This principle is affirmed in the Juba Agreement that states that, ‘For formal Courts, once amnesty is provided for under the constitution, they shall exercise discretion over individuals who are alleged to bear particular responsibility for the most serious crimes especially crimes amounting to international crimes during the course of conflict.’

The accused Thomas Kwoyelo as a principal offender was denied amnesty and indicted for the alleged commission of international war crimes as provided under section 2(1)(d) and (e) of the Geneva Conventions Act Cap 363 (Laws of Uganda).

In conclusion therefore, before granting amnesty to perpetrators, regard should be given to the nature of violation or war crime, the type of offender the accused is. Regard should also be made to the fact that international laws complement the national laws. In case of conflict of legal principles in international laws and national laws, national laws will take precedence.

Written by;

Jochebed Nassimbwa And Imecu Rebecca Eriechu

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